mount-batten & winston-chirchill

سر ونسٹن چرچل، ہندوستان میں انتقال اقتدار، ہاؤس آف کامنز کی تاریخی بحث

UK Parliament Proceedings 

INDIA (GOVERNMENT POLICY) 

جب لارڈ ماؤنٹ بیٹن کو حکومتِ برطانیہ نے بے پناہ اختیارات کے ساتھ تقسیم ہند سے پہلے وائسرائے بنا کر انڈیا بھیج دیا اس وقت ہاؤس آف کامنز میں ہونے والی ایک تاریخی بحث سے برطانیہ کے دو بار وزیرِ اعظم رہنے والے ونسٹن چرچل کی تقریر کے چند اقتباسات جو اس وقت حزبِ اختلاف میں تھے۔
11 دسمبر 1946 ء کو وزیرِ اعظم نے ہاؤس آف کامنز کو آگاہ کیا کہ ہندوستان کے سیاسی رہنماؤں کے ساتھ انکے مذاکرات ناکام ثابت ہوئے ہیں۔ ماؤنٹ بیٹن کو ہندوستان کا نیا وائسرائے بنانے کا فیصلہ کیا گیا اور 18 دسمبر کو وزیرِ اعظم نے ماؤنٹ بیٹن کو مدعو کرکے اپنے فیصلے سے آگاہ کیا۔
یہ بحث سوال جواب کے اس سلسلے کا تسلسل تھا جو وزیرِ اعظم کلیمنٹ ایٹلی کے 20 فروری 1947 کے بیان پر ہاؤس آف کامنز میں شروع ہوئی تھی۔ ونسٹن چرچل نے جہاں اس بحث کا خیر مقدم کیا وہیں انہوں نے بحیثیت حزبِ اختلاف کا رکن ہونے کےوزیرِ اعظم کے اس فیصلے کی مخالفت کا اعلان کیا جس میں وائسراۓ کو جون 1948 ء تک اقتدار کی منتقلی کی ہدایت کی گئی تھی (ماؤنٹ بیٹن کی سوانح حیات میں کہا گیا ہے کہ ماؤنٹ بیٹن نے وائسرائے بنتے وقت یہ پیشگی شرط لگائی تھی)
ونسٹن چرچل نے نہرو کی عبوری حکومت کو شدید تنقید کا نشانہ بنایا اور اسے ہندوستان کے پہلے سے خراب حالات میں ایک مکمل تباہی قرار دیا۔ انہوں نے بڑے پیمانے پر ہونے والےفرقہ وارانہ فسادات کا تذکرہ کیا، تیزی سے بڑھتی ہوئی بدعنوانیوں کا تذکرہ کیا۔ چرچل نے کہا کہ یہ لوگ آزادی کی بات کرتے ہیں مگر جب سے نہرو حکومت قائم ہوئی ہے آزادیاں سلب کی جارہی ہیں۔ انہوں نے تیزی سے بڑھتے ہوئے کمیونزم اور اس میں نہرو حکومت کی سرپرستی کا بھی تذکرہ کیا۔ ونسٹن چرچل نے کہا کہ نہرو جیسے طبقاتی ہندو کی حکومت پر اعتماد کرنا برطانیہ کی بنیادی غلطی تھی۔
مسٹر چرچل نے اقتدار کی منتقلی کیلئے 14 ماہ کے مدت کی بندش کو شدید تنقید کا نشانہ بنایا۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ حکومتِ برطانیہ ان معاملات میں پردہ پوشی کررہی ہے اور 14 ماہ کا ٹائم فریم دے کر انڈیا کی یکجہتی برقرار رکھنے کے امکانات کو سرے سے ختم کررہی ہے۔

Winston Churchill Historic Speech

HC Deb 06 March 1947 vol 434 cc663-776

Order read for resuming Adjourned Debate on Amendment to Question [5th March]: That this House takes note of the Statement on India made on 20th February by the Prime Minister and approves the
policy set out therein.”… cont

Mr. Churchill (Woodford): When great parties in this country have for many years pursued a combined and united policy on some large issue, and when, for what seemed to them to be good reasons, they decide to separate, not only in Debate but by Division, it is desirable and even necessary that the causes of such separation and the limitations of the differences which exist should be placed on record… cont

We have criticised their action in various ways but this is the first time we have felt it our duty as the official Opposition to express our dissent and difference by a formal vote… cont

Great Britain had for many years been committed to handing over responsibility for the government of India to the representatives of the Indian people. There was the promise of Dominion status implicit in the declaration of August, 1917. There was the expansion and definition of Dominion status by the Statute of Westminster. There was the Simon Commission Report of 1930, followed by the Hoare-Linlithgow Reforms of 1935. There was the Linlithgow offer of 1940, for which, as head of the Government in those days, I took my share of responsibility… cont

The offer of the Cripps Mission, I would remind the House, was substantially this: His Majesty’s Government undertook to accept and implement an agreed Constitution for an Indian Union, which should be a Dominion, framed by an elected Constituent Assembly and affording representation to the Princes… cont

The offer of the Cripps Mission was not accepted by the political classes in India who alone are vocal and to whom it was addressed. On the contrary, the Congress, led by Mr. Gandhi and Mr. Nehru, did their utmost to make a revolt intended to paralyse the perilous communications of our Army in Burma and to help the fortunes of Japan… cont

I simply recalled the two main principles on which the 1942 offer was based, one of which was that no limit is set to India’s freedom to decide for herself her own destiny, whether as a free member and partner in the British Commonwealth, or even without it. At that time, none of us had considered the possibility of an Indian Constituent Assembly being invited to declare for or against separation before the Constitution had been accepted by Parliament here, and I cannot imagine that my definition of the principle could have been taken at the time as suggesting or inviting a different sequence to that which we had always contemplated… cont

Before this latest pronouncement of theirs, His Majesty’s Government had already departed from the Cripps Mission declaration of 1942, and they had departed from it in three major aspects. First, they had eliminated the stage of Dominion status. The Cripps Mission expressly said that the objective was the creation of a new Indian Union which would constitute a Dominion associated with the United Kingdom and the other Dominions by common allegiance to the Crown, but equal to them in every respect, in no way subordinated in any aspect of domestic or external affairs… cont

The second departure from the Cripps Mission declaration was the total abandonment by His Majesty’s Government of all responsibility for carrying out its pledges to minorities and the Depressed Classes, as well as for fulfilling their treaties with the Indian States… cont

The third departure was no less grave. The essence of the Cripps Mission declaration was that there should be agreement between the principal Indian communities, namely, in fact, the Muslims and the Hindus. That, also, has been thrown overboard… cont

This Government of Mr. Nehru has been a complete disaster, and a great degeneration and demoralisation in the already weakened departmental machinery of the Government of India has followed from it. Thirty or forty thousand people have been slaughtered in the warfare between the two principal religions. Corruption is growing apace. They talk of giving India freedom. But freedom has been restricted since this interim Nehru Government has come to power. Communism is growing so fast that it has been found necessary to raid and suppress Communist establishments and centers which, in our broad British tolerance, we do not do here, and have never done in India. I am illustrating the steps to freedom which, so far, have been marked by every degree in which British control is relaxed, by the restriction of the ordinary individual, whatever his political view. It was a cardinal mistake to entrust the government of India to the caste Hindu, Mr. Nehru. He has good reason to be the most bitter enemy of any connection between India and the British Common wealth… cont

Edwina Mountbatten-Nehru

I do not think that the 14 months’ time limit gives the new Viceroy a fair chance. We do not know what directives have been given to him… What is the policy and purpose for which he is to be sent out, and how is he to employ these 14 months? … Everyone knows that the 14 months’ time limit is fatal to any orderly transference of power, and I am bound to say that the whole thing wears the aspect of an attempt by the Government to make use of brilliant war figures in order to cover up a melancholy and disastrous transaction… One thing seems to me absolutely curtain. The Government, by their 14 months’ time limit, have put an end to all prospect of Indian unity… cont

Transfer of power- final moments

India is to be subjected not merely to partition, but to fragmentation, and to haphazard fragmentation. A time limit is imposed—a kind of guillotine—which will certainly prevent the full, fair and reason able discussion of the great complicated issues that are involved. These 14 months will not be used for the melting of hearts and the union of Muslim and Hindu all over India. They will be used in preparation for civil war; and they will be marked continually by disorders and disturbances such as are now going on in the great city of Lahore… cont

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